David or Goliath? China's battle to win the war of perception

To the outside world China is a rich, monolithic superpower – but inside troubles mount and confidence remains fragile


Xu Shunjian is a diplomat. Not the official, suave and suited, our-man-in-Kampala kind. But for three years he has been doing his bit to change perceptions of China.

He had never left Fujian province before he flew 6,000 miles to Uganda, where his team is turning a remote, dusty, rutted track into a smooth road winding 76 miles (122km) across the country.

"Before we came here, the locals had only seen Chinese people in movies. So they believed every Chinese man could do kung fu and was tough," the slim, bespectacled graduate said with a chuckle.

"I thought African people were wild. Now that I've come here, I see they are much more friendly."

Three decades ago, Xu and his compatriots had little opportunity to leave their country nor meet the few foreigners who visited. Now China is wide open to the world. But while its growing reach has forged new alliances and better understanding, it is also creating new tensions.

From its recent naval confrontation with the US in the South China Sea, to its anger at western pressure over Tibet, Beijing appears ever more confident as its reach extends around the globe – and its rivals appear more watchful.

For years, foreign policy was guided by Deng Xiaoping's cautious injunction, Tao guang yang hui ("hide brightness, cherish obscurity") – or, in the official translation, "nourish capabilities and bide our time".

But there is nothing obscure about China these days; it seems that its time has arrived. Just scan the recent headlines: Chinese workers strike in Romania; Chinese property hunters seek bargains in New York; Chinese peacekeepers patrol Darfur and Kosovo; the Chinese navy battle Somalian pirates. The premier, Wen Jiabao, publicly frets about the safety of its vast US treasury holdings, and President Hu Jintao took centre stage at the G20 meeting in London. Analysts begin to talk of the "G2"; Americans of "our most important bilateral relationship".

Vice-president and heir apparent, Xi Jinping, struck a very different note to Deng on an overseas trip this spring.

"There are some well-fed foreigners who have nothing better to do than point fingers at our affairs," he complained, in brusque remarks unreported by the state media but quickly noted on Chinese blogs and by foreign diplomats.

"China does not, first, export revolution; second, export poverty and hunger; third, cause troubles for you. What else is there to say?"

Western media bias
Xi's aggrieved tone might confuse the west, but it resonates with his public. This year's publishing sensation is China is Unhappy, a collection of angry essays railing at foreign bullies and domestic fascination with western ways. Grievances range from protests during the Olympic torch relay to high-consuming nations' calls for China to cut pollution; one author suggests China might have to break with the west one day.

Despite sniffy, sometimes despairing reviews from liberals, it topped the bestseller lists. Its lengthy list of gripes includes western media bias, but its ­publicity-savvy authors are happy to take their chances; they chose to meet the Guardian in a Starbucks in central Beijing.

Between sips of his cappuccino, co-author Wang Xiaodong explained why China should engage in the arms race; he deems this year's 14.9% rise in military spending insufficient. A slight man in his fifties, he has the air of a schoolmaster but a shock-jock's sense of mischief and flair for incendiary statements.

"China must have the power to wipe America from the earth. It's the only way to deter them," he said cheerfully.

"China is really willing to co-operate with the west, but is still refused by western nations.

"We have felt very comfortable over the years of free trade, because we have kept winning. But also, the west keeps losing. So we worry that at some point the west will use military or political power to fight China. The other thing is that, for a long time, China has needed more resources … That must create conflicts."

Though many Chinese dispute his conclusions, few disagree with his basic premise.

"People outside see China as much more powerful than China perceives itself to be. Our challenges and troubles have expanded as well as our interests," explained Professor Shi Yinhong, a highly respected foreign policy expert at Renmin university. He dismisses the idea of a bipolar world; China's current status is perhaps "a regional power, plus".

Historic humiliations
To outsiders, China is a giant: a huge, populous, monolithic state, with rapidly rising military spending, vast coffers for foreign investment and an increasing keenness to impose its views.

But where they see Goliath, China sees David: an over-populated, under-resourced developing country still recovering from historic humiliations at the hands of foreign powers – including the British – and still pushed around by the west.

"There's concern [among leaders] that if China's growing power becomes too conspicuous, other countries will view it as a threat, gang up on it and try to contain it," said Professor Susan Shirk, author of China: Fragile Superpower and a former US deputy assistant secretary of state.

"They have worked very hard to show they want to be more co-operative and that as they become more powerful they're not a threat. They're willing to compromise, negotiate; they're dealmakers."

China is willing to show its strength; last winter it postponed an entire EU summit because Nicolas Sarkozy had met the Dalai Lama. But it also wants the world to like it. Relations with Taiwan are at their best for decades, as Beijing engages with a more mainland-friendly president. It's pouring billions into "soft power" projects, setting up Confucius Institutes and expanding its foreign-language media.

Yet a recent poll for the BBC World Service found that while 92% of the Chinese surveyed believed China's global influence was mainly positive, only 39% of respondents in other nations agreed – a 6 point drop on the previous year. It was the largest perception gap in any of the 21 countries.

Ethnic Uighurs look on as Chinese security forces stand by the entrance to the Uighurs neighborhood in Urumqi in China's Xinjiang autonomous region, July 8, 2009

"The public hold a strong hatred against the Chinese," declared Wang.

"Sometimes people in government are actually more friendly – they are more practical. But American people have a stronger hatred against Chinese people aroused by the media. It's the same in Germany, France and Britain," he insisted.

Mutual suspicions erupted with last spring's fatal riots in Lhasa and the subsequent explosion of wrath from nationalists. They accused the western media, and wider public, of indifference to Chinese deaths, an exaggeration of Tibetan sufferings and deliberate distortions of the truth. China's fenqing ("angry youth") roared into action, bombarding journalists with death threats.

When a Tibetan activist tried to wrench the Olympic torch from a Paralympian during the Paris leg of the relay, passions went into overdrive. Thousands of flag-waving activists besieged Carrefour's Chinese stores; in Hunan, an American shopper fled as a crowd yelled "Kill the Frenchman".

Simmering rage
Years of "patriotic education" and media manipulation have helped to create this simmering rage. But nationalism is a longstanding force which China's leaders fear as well as foster. It bolsters support for an unelected government. It can also push them towards foreign policy positions they suspect are unwise and it has a history of toppling regimes which fail to meet patriotic expectations. The Carrefour protests were squashed before they could spread.

Wang is well-versed in western thinking, from classical philosophers to Jared Diamond and Francis Fukuyama. He has travelled abroad and reads and watches western media. But he says there is no paradox in the fact that increasing western influence is accompanied, in many cases, by increasing hostility. He sees it as a natural reaction to the idealisation of the west.

"When Chinese people go outside they realise the outside world is not as good as it was described and China is not as bad. That's why the more Chinese people travel, the more nationalistic they become.

"Our book is focused on these points because many Chinese think westerners are angels. [But] to be honest, I don't think there should be such huge resentment. We're business partners," he said.

Cheap Chinese labour has undercut western manufacturers, but also kept inflation down. Meanwhile, western shoppers have kept Chinese citizens in work. China has taken vast amounts of mineral wealth from Africa; but it has also provided infrastructure.

China and other nations will continue to clash on many fronts – from human rights to resources. But China's citizens are looking to a multipolar world, not to global supremacy.

When a recent internet survey asked whether China had the power to lead the world, 54.4% agreed it "should seize the best opportunity created by the financial crisis". Another 41.3% reached very different conclusions, judging that "this radical nationalism must be brought under control".

Thousands of miles away from home, Xu Shunjian is digging into rice and stir-fried vegetables with his chopsticks, as Chinese state television blares in the background. He came to Africa only to make money, and he misses his motherland.

But after supper he shows off photographs of dinner at a Ugandan colleague's home: "I learned to use fingers to take food like that … you see!" he exclaimed happily.

"I want to learn things from different countries and learn about their differences," he said. "Of course, when you go to another country, your patriotic feelings will rise. But I've also become more open-minded."

Guardian

China’s rising global power and its implications on Sino-Tibetan affairs

This analytical paper is written to coincide with the gathering of the second special general meeting of the Tibetan Diaspora towards the end of September 2012.

The Kashag of the Central Tibetan Administration and the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile have convened this important gathering to mobilise, energise and find new solutions to overcome the very urgent and desperate current situation in occupied Tibet, particularly the stream of selfless act of self-immolations carried out by Tibetans inside and outside of Tibet. The general consensus of the motivation and reasons behind the drastic acts of these Tibetans were for the return of His Holiness The Dalai Lama to Tibet and to achieve freedom for Tibetans from the rule of communist China.

This piece that I am about to communicate is an independent analysis of the present day China, China and the world, the world and China, the Tibetan issue and the opportunities as well as the realities that Tibetan movement faces. I am writing this piece not as an academician or as a specialist on either China or Tibet but as a lay person, who has watched, worked and continues to study the Sino-Tibetan relationship or no relationship with keen interest.

Therefore, it is fitting to quote a stanza from an ancient master Shanti Deva who said:

“Here I shall say nothing that has not been said before,

And in the art of prosody I have no skill.

I therefore have no thought that this might be of benefit to others;

I wrote it only to habituate my mind.”

I am sure that there is nothing in this piece that the reader has not read or heard already. But I hope this piece will serve as a small aide-memoires of the current position of China and the current international scenario that are necessary to be considered in making our deliberation to find solutions for Tibet and Tibetans inside Tibet.

It is particularly important this time because the deliberations of the delegates will not formally be commented, protected or blessed by His Holiness The Dalai Lama as the political head of Tibetan people. In other words, we do not have the safety cover of His Holiness The Dalai Lama, which we have always relied upon as a fall back and a guarantor. We are not so lucky now.

It is absolutely essential and vitally important that we consider the wider context under which China is now operating in the world and how other countries including superpowers are behaving, positioning and formulating not only their foreign policies, but also their economic and domestic policies towards China and its impact and consequences on Tibetan issues now and for years to come.

Within a period of thirty years, a periodic span of three generations of Chinese leadership (Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao), China has been transformed from a crippling communist regime to a super power next to the United States.

At the beginning of 2012, The Economist almost as a matter-of-fact reported that China will have a larger economy than America in purchasing power parity in less than five years from now (2016)

The economist also methodically chronicled and published the following statistics:

* China’s net foreign assets surpassed the United States in 2003 (China’s net foreign assets of $2 trillion today versus US net foreign debt of $2.5 trillion);

* Chinese exports surpassed the US in 2007;

* Chinese fixed capital investment took the lead in 2009;

* Chinese manufacturing output surpassed US in 2010;

* Chinese energy consumption also surpassed US in 2010;

* Chinese patent applications granted exceeded the United States applications for the first time in 2010.

* Based on reasonable projections of relative real growth rates China will have the larger GDP as measured by market exchange rates within the next seven years (2018)

China’s stated global aim and core interests:

Beijing’s stated core objectives, loosely and by no means exhaustive, consists of (a) the preservation of communist party and it’s rule in China, (b) unification of Taiwan with mainland China, (c) continuation of rule of Tibet, (d) unhindered access to world’s mineral resources and (e) non acceptance of what China calls imposition or importation of western values such as human rights and democracy in Chinese society.

The world and China

What has become evident is that, during these last three decades, China’s attitude towards the rest of the world has significantly changed since the early days of Deng Xiaoping’s modernisation program or vision of Chinese economy for alleviating the Chinese society from poverty in the aftermath of Mao’s cultural revolution and isolation of China from the rest of the world.

During the past decade, buoyed by China economic success, the country’s regime has manifested in a very assertive entity, threatening those countries with punitive economic repercussion who criticises its human right records, democracy, and issues relating to Tibet and Xinjiang.

This assertive Chinese policy on global development and dominance is imposed on other countries through a mixture of force and diplomacy. It has rattled and confronted the reality, the challenges that other governments especially western governments, parliamentarians, political thinkers and ordinary members of the society alike, may have envisaged on such a turn around. But none are not only unprepared for the consequences but at the speed of its arrival.

It seems the reality of Deng Xiaoping’s famous tactical policy for China of “biding time and hiding one’s talents or strength” has arrived suddenly within a very short period of three decades, with shock waves for the future of world order politically, economically, and the emergence of the concept of human rights, democracy and rule of law in Asia. My assumption here is that once China has actually obtained national wealth and superpower status, it will increasingly act unilaterally without adherence to international norms.

As a consequence is visible from the changing US policy and perhaps many regional countries too are likely to take active measures to hedge against a more unilateral China in the future so that they are not caught unprepared.

American President George W Bush senior rightly saw and politely stated that China is a competitor, but the US and western world accepted China as a “friendly partner” overshadowed by the stream of cheap imports from China that was to glut the insatiable wants of the western consumer society.

Transfer of western manufacturing know-how and technical expertise to China in the search for high profits for the corporations has made the economic benefits more lucrative to political expediency in the past three decades.

The Rise of China and its Impact on the Regional and Global Order

The real question throughout the world today is what does this rise and rise of China means for the regional and global order. What are its real impacts on both regional and global peace, prosperity, security and stability for the immediate decades ahead? How does this economically powerful China affect it treatment of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Mongolians and other minorities in China?

The current rise of economic power of China has been compared to the possible down fall of Western economic power primarily due to the global financial crisis, which started around 2006 that resulted in a long and still continuing economic recession in Europe and USA. The present economic crisis in Europe is so acute that it is not only affecting the economic recovery of US, but it still has the full potential to unleash a second round of Global Financial Crisis.

For the Western world this unprecedented rise of China is a very uncomfortable force to be reckoned with. According to Kevin Rudd, the former Prime Minister and current Foreign Secretary of Australia, “this will be the first time ever a non western power will dominate the global economic power since the rise of Spanish Empire in 1492 and that this will be the first time ever a non-democratic country will be the world’s largest economy for nearly 300 years”.

When we look at the impact of the rise of China in terms of global peace and security, we must look at it in a much wider worldwide and historical context than the relatives of G2 (US and China) metrics of the 21st century. The global implications of China rising to the top of the global economic position are simply jaw dropping to consider.

It is, therefore, a subject worthy of the most serious reflection and analysis, not just in Beijing and Washington, but across Asia, across Europe and across the world.

Asia Pacific and USA Foreign Policy change:

The inexorable rise of China has forced US to look eastward withdrawing from their war engagements from Iraq and Afghanistan and Europe First policy engagement with North Atlantic Alliance, which has been the back bone of US foreign policy for the past 60 years.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pronounced the Obama administration’s new approach to Asia Pacific in her November 2011 “America’s Pacific Century” speech where she declared that “the future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action”. And she further went on to say that “as we move forward to set the stage for engagement in the Asia-Pacific over the next 60 years, we are focused on the steps we have to take at home to secure and sustain our leadership abroad”.

In a very fluid world of changing politics dominated by giants powers, we need to look back and recollect with deep interest how President Obama’s administration has written a new chapter in American foreign policy, saying that United States will move away from South West Asia to focus on the rising power of china.

Clearly, America is broadening its strategic reach and relations in the pacific region both with individual countries as well as with Asian institutions such as ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) and EAS (East Asia Summit) to engage and to maintain a balance of power to counter the growing power and assertive influence of China. China’s growing global power, influence and its assertive territorial claims in South China Sea has made ASEAN countries nervous of the intentions of China. The Asia Pivot policy of Obama Administration has embraced the US by Vietnam and other member countries as a fallback security against their giant neighbour.

It is important to point out that for the first time ever in the ASEAN Regional Forum’s 45 year history, since its inception, there was no agreed communiqué in their 2012 Annual meeting in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, because South-east Asian countries have failed to reach an agreement on how to deal with China’s assertive sovereignty claims on disputed territory in the South China Sea. 

The Philippines and Vietnamese wanted ASEAN Regional Forum to have a unified policy on South China Sea dispute and to resist Beijing’s insistence that the disputes should be handled on a bilateral level only. Perhaps, American Asia Pivot Foreign Policy may have given these smaller countries some confidence and may have increased their resistance level with China and it seems such countries are reciprocating favourably to the US declared role in Asia Pacific. Rival countries have made claims over territory in the South China Sea for centuries but the recent upsurge in tension has sparked concern that the area is becoming a flashpoint with global consequences.

US had clearly concluded that it not only has vital interests in this Asia Pacific Region in the century ahead, but also that this region will progressively represent the centre of gravity of global economic and strategic power.

US and most of its allies believes that this strategic positioning has kept and will keep the region in peace, thereby enabling open economies to develop, trade and commerce to flourish, and democracies to emerge.

This is where core American and Chinese strategic concepts clash against each other, because the Chinese view that US alliance structures in Asia and Pacific are relics of a cold war past that should be disbanded and that the retention of these alliances is designed to constrain China; and in doing so, continue to frustrate the reunification of Taiwan with the motherland.

Burma

It is not a coincidence that the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton should make the first-ever and a landmark historical visit to Burma in December 2011, reversing a fifty year US Policy of engagement with Burma so soon after Obama Administrations Asia Pivot Policy announcement. US is well aware that such high level visit by the administration will not only give high hopes and expectations for the democratic movement in Burma, but that this will also provide the possibility for the Burmese authorities to rebalance its one sided and suffocating relationship with China, which has been resented by ordinary Burmese people.

Secretary of State Clinton’s meeting with Ms Aung Sun Suu Kyi, a Nobel Laureate, human rights icon and champaign of democracy in Burma, has paved the way for greater normalisation of relations between Burma with US and Europe.

Burma has become a client state of China for the past many decades. China has invested heavily in Burma both for its natural resources and for securing and carrying out the so called Maoist encirclement strategic position in surrounding India – which has given home to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan community and enabling and facilitating the exile Tibetans to preserve their language, customs and the unique cultural heritage of Tibet – from the east, Sri Lanka from the south, Pakistan from the west and occupied Tibet and Nepal from the north.

Japan

The continued mistrust between Japan and China are self evident in the past, but the clash between Chinese fighting boats with coastguard off Japan at the end of 2011 and allowing anti-Japanese protests and demonstration to take place in major cities in China by the Chinese Communist Party is a reminder of another flash point with global consequences.

Japan is one of the most important partners of USA in Asia, and China has consistently complained at USA and Japan’s military alliance. In reference to the annual USA and Japan military drill, which took place in Gotemba at the foothill of Mount Fuji on 21st August 2012, China Daily quotes a defence commentator as saying that the drill “is increasing tension in the region and has shown Washington’s true colours, despite its so-called neutral stance over the issue of disputed islands in the East China Sea”.

Again if we look back to the early days of Obama presidency, one could argue that the preparation for the Asia Pivot and American Pacific Century thinking was already underway soon after the end of 2008. It was evident because the Japanese Prime Minister was the first Oval Office visitor from abroad in early 2009 and Secretary Clinton’s first overseas trip was to Tokyo and not to London or Europe.

Australia

In line with US new policy of engagement in Asia, United State has secured a far reaching agreement with Australia to expand its military presence in the country and facility for joint exercises, training, and access to bases and eventual postings of up to 2500 American troops in northern Australia. Naturally, China is very unhappy with this US positioning.

Australia being a member of the club of G-20 and East Asia Summit Forum is also interested in shaping the future of Asia and Pacific region. Australia has huge commercial interests with mainland China with its mineral resources.

European Union and China

The European Union is the biggest and most important trading partner of China. The EU pursues a friendly strategic partnership with China and welcomes Chinese nods and winks when it hints that they may prop up the Euro. Chinese are openly lobbying Chinese government’s interests in Brussels and in the capitals of the European countries, yet at the same time Chinese leaders are telling off and pointing fingers at the European leaders for their lack of leadership for not “putting their houses in order”. Perhaps, it is really a sign of change in time of European fortune that we witness remarkable and extraordinary acts of dependency and vulnerability to see European States publicly seeking China’s financial support to intervene in Euro-bond markets.

Europe welcomes Chinese investments and China has taken advantage in investing and taking over well known brands and buying up ownership in strategic key industries requiring cash injection for the corporation’s survival.

In less prosperous European economies they have invested by either taking over the control or have taken stakes in key industries such as Ocean terminal at Piraeus port in Greece and wind-power farm in Romania. In other key industries they have taken stakes such as in the makers of polysilicon for solar panels in Norway, 40% stake in Norwegian Statoil, Addax Petroleum of Switzerland, a stake in the Fortis bank of Belgium, stake in the Barclays bank in UK etc.

China has two major demands from the EU. Firstly, China would like EU to lift the arms embargo imposed on it after the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. Secondly, it would like EU to grant them the status of a full market economy, which would shield it from anti-dumping measures.

EU member states remains divided and unable to agree on both issues because of the very sensitive political nature of the arms embargo and the inherent nature of the protection required for home grown industries to safeguard employment from cheap imports.

This has inevitably allowed China to manipulate the internal divisions of the member states and play one member state against others thorough the so called bilateral talks and discussions a format China has very successfully followed in South East Asia.

China and Africa, Latin America

Although China’s global influence, be it through force of assertiveness, through natural course or through bullying and blackmailing tactics, is felt almost throughout the entire world. In the above short and very superficial analysis, I have concentrated mainly on China and its relationships with the United States of America, Europe, Asia and Pacific.

Dominance of Chinese influence in the entire continent of Africa is without any dispute. China’s economic controls and political influence in the whole of Latin American world, former USSR republics are also undisputed. China is promoting their state interests in these countries through a combination of aid programs, particularly in Africa where China is now using aid programs to explore open markets for oil, minerals and other resources. In return for the access to natural resources, China lends cheap money, builds roads, railways, airports, bridges, hospitals, sport stadiums, schools and official buildings.

Although, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton did not mention Beijing by name but was directed at China when she said “be wary of donors who are more interested in extracting your resources than in building your capacity. Some funding might help fill short-term budget gaps, but we’ve seen time and again that these quick fixes won’t produce self-sustaining results.” at the global summit on development and aid held in South Korea.

For many of the developing nations China has become an essential partner particularly for those repressive and rogue regime states in African continent, Middle East and Latin American oil reach states.

An Overview on China

Whilst China’s economic power is growing and unstoppable, yet this is a country not at ease with itself and there is a huge number of areas which could derail their progress from becoming the world’s number one superpower.

The particular areas to look out for are both internal and external forces, but the explosion of an internal force is more likely and will have more devastating and chaotic outcome if that were to happen. The internal pressure for reform in China is like a boiling kettle and the Chinese government’s own admitted cost of maintaining the internal security in 2010 was US Dollars 93 billion. Experts believe that this amount is $1 billion more than the government’s publicly admitted national defense budget, and surely, such spending on internal security is a devastating blow for the image of a stable China, which it would like to portray and an undoubted evidence of a State at odds with its own people.

A leading UK think-tank on international affairs, Chatham House, states that there were 9 million petitions to the central government in 2009 and estimates that there are as many as 180,000 mass incidents each year. Most of the disputes have arisen because of infringement and summary acquisition of land rights, unsettled pension payments, conflict of political and lack of participation in decision making process in civil society frustrated by the non transparent and control imposed by one party system.

The second major area of internal conflict pressure point is the existence of massive inequalities in income between cities and countryside; development and income gap between coastal and inland regions; between eastern and western regions, as most of the development and wealth is concentrated in coastal regions. The scale of inequality is illustrated by World Bank’s statistics which states that China has 150 million people living in abject poverty, 24 million people malnourished, but China has 35 Dollar billionaires and over 100 Dollar millionaires.

The third pressure point is the massive problem of corruption and nepotism in Chinese society which is enhancing the marginalisation of ethic minorities, non communist party members, religious affiliated groups and other vulnerable members of the society.

The fourth pressure point is both an internal as well as an international issue which relate to Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia on one hand and Taiwan on the other. China’s continued inability to address and resolve the real and unprecedented grievances of the people of Tibet and Xinjiang has continued to dogged the Chinese government by a series of public disorders, unrest, protests and international condemnation of the Chinese government for its hard line policies and handling of these issues, which continues to taint it’s authority and legitimacy of rule in these ethnic regions, especially in occupied Tibet.

Sino-Tibetan Relations: The Way Forward

The objectives of Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People proposed by the Tibetan side, which provides the basis for a realistic and sustainable political solution to the issue of Tibet, is sill achievable through a strategy of campaign and continued engagement and negotiation with China even in the face of the latter’s intransigence. All we need is a political will from Beijing to resolve the question of Tibet. The last round of talks between the two side was held in January 2010.

A progressively wealthy and powerful China should have the confidence to settle the Tibetan issue during the life time of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who is revered and enjoys the full confidence of all Tibetans both living inside and outside of Tibet. China should not fear the sincere overtures of His Holiness in helping China to settle the question of Tibet for the mutual benefit of Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

His Holiness has often talked about and recognised the need and benefits of a wealthy, powerful and industrious China to help bring economic development to Tibet. It is important for the Chinese leaders to realise and appreciate His Holiness’s genuine views and hopes for the benefit of both Chinese and Tibetan communities.

China must also be wise and confident enough to accept that it is in the best interest of China to settle the Tibetan issue as quickly as possible. The unsettled Tibet problem is one of the worst burdens that China has and this is holding back China in the eyes of international community. An amicable political settlement of the issue of Tibet with the return of His Holiness to Tibet will undoubtedly earn China international recognition for its political maturity and moral authority necessary to be a world super power.

Since the election of Kalon Tripa Dr. Lobsang Sangay, the unannounced official Chinese position had been that of a non engagement policy with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration.

Of course, this is much regretted from Tibetan side and I hope the new Chinese leadership, which will be selected in mid October, will reverse the existing hard line policy of non engagement with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Central Tibetan Administration. The new Chinese leadership has the opportunity to seize the moment to restore freedom in Tibet by putting an immediate end to the draconian control imposed in Tibetan areas. This will give breathing space for normal existence to begin, whereby the trauma of hopelessness will cease and may help to end the cycle of tragic self-immolations in Tibet.

As I am giving my finishing and final thoughts to this piece, the number of Tibetans who have set themselves on fire reached 51, of which 41 died. But unfortunately, there is no sign of abatement in this drastic form of non-violent protest against the continued Chinese rule in occupied Tibet and the denial of the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to his homeland.

The political movement of self-immolation, which started from inside Tibet, is a testament of desperation and unhappiness endured by Tibetans in Tibet.

We really need to collectively engage in the forthcoming Second Special General Meeting to come up with strategies and programmes, which will enable us to achieve an amicable resolution of the political future of Tibet based on the forward-looking and foresighted principles, philosophies and guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Sonam T Frasi is a former Member of Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile

Statement of the Kashag on the Fifty-Second Anniversary of Tibetan Democracy Day

2 September 2012

On the 52nd anniversary of Tibetan Democracy Day, I would like to pay the Kashag’s and my personal obeisance to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and extend heartfelt greetings to fellow Tibetans in Tibet and in exile.

Today is a proud day for all Tibetans. It is the day when Tibetan exiles have fully realized His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s cherished wish to transform the Tibetan polity into a vibrant democracy.

Since the age of 16, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has taken steps to introduce and consolidate Tibetan democracy. This precious gift of democracy will be treasured by all Tibetans in the same way we have treasured and embraced Buddhism for over 1300 years. As Buddhism offers liberation from suffering, democracy will provide the Tibetan people the means to attain freedom from injustice.

We can take pride in the fact that Tibetans in exile have proven that Buddhism is compatible with democracy. It is also established that all the major religious traditions, from Hinduism to Judaism, from Christianity to Shintoism are compatible with democracy. The Arab Spring has shown that Islam and democracy are not in conflict. The question arises whether Confucianism too can embrace democracy. Vibrant democracies of Taiwan and South Korea for instance prove that Confucianism and democracy are also compatible. Democracy therefore is neither cultural specific nor developmental specific but universal.

In 1950, at the tender age of 16, His Holiness the Dalai Lama was compelled to assume leadership of the Tibetan people at a critical period in Tibet’s history. Four years later, in 1954, His Holiness the Dalai Lama constituted a Reform Committee, which held as one of its objectives the exemption of poor farmers and indigent Tibetans from heavy taxation. In 1954, His Holiness the Dalai Lama visited China, and two years later, in 1956, he visited India. Comparing the two governments, he was far more impressed with the robust discourse in the Indian parliament than the Chinese political system under communism.

Soon after coming into exile in 1959, His Holiness the Dalai Lama called for Tibetan parliamentary elections. It was on this day in September 1960, that the first Tibetan Parliament was inaugurated. As early as 1963, our leaders adopted the first democratic constitution of Tibet, which even included a provision allowing for the impeachment of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Women’s representation was included as early as 1963, and representation of the Bon religious tradition in 1977.

In 1991, the Charter of the Tibetans in Exile was adopted and the Parliament expanded and constitutionally empowered to elect the Kashag. The Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission, formed in 1992, completed the creation of three separate pillars of democracy. In 2001, when the first-ever direct election of the Kalon Tripa took place, His Holiness the Dalai Lama declared himself as semi-retired. Then in March of last year, despite persistent appeal by Tibetans from around the world, His Holiness the Dalai Lama devolved all his political authority to the elected leader, declaring the fulfillment of his “long-cherished goal” of bringing democracy to the Tibetan people.

Despite resistance at every stage in the democratization of the Tibetan polity, His Holiness the Dalai Lama persisted in guiding his people to full democracy. From this it is clear that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has single-handedly built Tibetan democracy. Now recognized and applauded by leaders around the world, His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s 60 years of total dedication, sincere motivation and visionary leadership has established him as the true democrat in the Tibetan world. The preciousness of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s contribution towards reform and democracy will be fully appreciated by generations of Tibetans to come. In appreciation of these efforts, the Tibetan people will offer a long- life prayer to His Holiness the Dalai Lama at the conclusion of the Second Special General Meeting of Tibetans in September.

Leaders around the world recognize the accomplishment of the Tibetan exiles as we institute a fully representative form of governance. In my travels as Kalon Tripa, I have had the privilege of meeting with Nobel laureates, former presidents and prime ministers, speakers of the U.S. Congress and the Australian Parliament, and other leaders of more than a dozen countries. In the international media, as well as Indian and overseas Chinese media, the 2011 Tibetan election was recognized as genuine, credible, and reflective of the universality of democracy.

The recognition given by both global leaders and the media has enhanced the legitimacy of the elected leader of the Central Tibetan Administration. Equally important, it has strengthened the ability of the Tibetan people to carry on their struggle until justice is done and freedom restored.

As we commemorate this important anniversary, our thoughts remain with our brothers and sisters in Tibet aspiring for freedom and the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to his homeland. Under the continued occupation and oppressive polices of the Chinese government, 51 Tibetans have set themselves on fire. Sadly, 42 have died. The Kashag and the Tibetan Parliament will be convening the Second Special General Meeting of Tibetans in Dharamsala from September 25–28. Its primary agenda will be to discuss ways and means to address the urgent and critical situation in Tibet.

To understand the self-immolations, it is crucial to know that no space exists in Tibet for freedom of speech and other conventional forms of protest. A participant in a simple demonstration could face arrest, torture and even death. These conditions help explain the terribly high number of self-immolations in Tibet. It is a tragic irony that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is accessible to millions of people around the world, but not to his own people calling out for him in Tibet.

The Central Tibetan Administration has made consistent and repeated appeals to refrain from the drastic acts of self-immolation. Still Tibetans continue to commit this form of protest – and we in the Tibetan Administration recognize our sacred duty to make the protesters’ cries heard around the globe to all who believe in justice. Tibetans around the world offer our prayers to those Tibetans who have succumbed to self-immolation and express solidarity with the arrested, tortured and imprisoned, including all the Tibetans in Tibet who live under repressive rule.

The Kashag welcomes statements of concern from the international community. Parliamentarians from around the world, including the U.S., South Africa, Great Britain, Japan, Australia and various countries of Europe, have expressed support.  We welcome the recent letter by two U.S. Congressmen urging the current U.S. Administration to undertake stronger, more coordinated and visible international diplomatic efforts to address the crisis in Tibet. Specifically, they encouraged the U.S. to host an international conference on the issue of Tibet, and establish a Contact Group among U.S. partner nations at the United Nations as an effective means of expressing support to Tibet.

We commend the European Union’s first-time appointment of a EU Special Representative for Human Rights. This is a significant step to advance human rights and address the human rights violations in Tibet.

The Kashag also welcomes the work of Chinese writers and analysts within China and outside, expressing their support for the Middle-Way Policy. Since the 2008 protests in Tibet, they have published thousands of articles that urge the Chinese Communist leadership to resolve the Tibetan issue through dialogue. Many Chinese writers and intellectuals point to the Chinese government and its policies as the cause of the self-immolations and the growing resentment of the Tibetan people. As world famous artist Ai Weiwei recently said, “Tibetan people are burning themselves to death. Already over 40 of them in the past two years, and nobody’s talking about it. I would feel ashamed to go to Lhasa (Capital city of Tibet).”

While we appreciate the statement of concerns and other steps being taken by various governments and the international community, we believe that concrete action is needed to help stop the tragedy in Tibet.

Today, I would like to take this occasion to reiterate the Kashag’s firm commitment to the Middle-Way Policy and to dialogue to peacefully resolve the issue of Tibet. For Dharamsala and Beijing, this is a win-win proposition. Here we also welcome the U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s recent call on the Chinese government to resume serious dialogue with the Tibetan leadership. To continue the dialogue process, the Tibetan Task Force on Negotiations will meet in December 2012 after the new Chinese leadership has assumed office.

The Tibetan spirit and their quest for freedom cannot be crushed by China’s military might. In a recent interview, His Holiness the Dalai Lama said “using force for 60 years completely failed” and its revolutionary leader Mao Zedong’s idea that power came from the barrel of a gun was “outdated”. If China seeks to become a global power, then the rights of the Tibetans must be respected. China must also respect the aspiration of its own people and release all political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize winner and author of Charter 08, Mr. Liu Xiaobo.

Today, on this 52nd anniversary of Tibetan Democracy, the Kashag would also like to express its gratitude to the government and people of India for many years of generosity and hospitality.

We extend our deep appreciation to friends around the world for their support and active participation in highlighting and advancing the cause of Tibet. In November, International Tibet Support Groups will be organising a special meeting to discuss the critical situation in Tibet and further enhance the international support for the Tibetan cause.

Finally, to my fellow Tibetans, this is the time for unity and solidarity as expressed through the prayers, songs and last wishes of the self-immolators. We must remain vigilant to counter the hard line Chinese leaders’ efforts to undermine the Tibetan cause. We have laid a solid foundation that will only grow stronger if we follow the three guiding principles of unity, innovation and self-reliance. Tibetans are fortunate to be the beneficiary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s vision of a democratic Tibetan polity. His unceasing efforts to bring us to this moment have helped to unleash Tibetans’ dynamic energy and empowered them to determine their own future.

We pray for the long and healthy life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. May the aspirations of all Tibetans within and outside Tibet, be fulfilled.

Central Tibetan Administration